Carta de Hitler a Gemlich

Hitler había escrito una carta explicando el porqué del antisemitismo a un soldado alemán. La carta fue escrita en 1.919, un año después del fin de la Primera Guerra Mundial, en respuesta a una demanda por conocer sobre la “cuestión judía” (the Jewish Question) que Adolf Gemlich solicitaba. Karl Mayr, capitán del ejército alemán, que en ese entonces dirigía una unidad de propaganda nacionalista, le encargó la respuesta a Adolfo Hitler.

En ella Hitler señala que el propósito del gobierno debe ser “la expulsión de todos los judíos de nuestro medio”. También pedía por un anti semitismo racional, que no llegara a un pogrom o a una violencia sin sentido.

Esta carta fue adquirida por el Simon Wiesenthal Centre, aparentemente por 150.000 dólares de un oferente particular.

Parece mentira que Hitler haya tenido tantos seguidores, aún en los Estados Unidos:

The German American Bund

The American Nazi Party

The National Alliance

White Aryan Resistance

Más abajo explicamos esto de la cuestión judía.

 

… los judíos están teniendo, deliberada o involuntariamente, un efecto pernicioso en nuestra nación, pero sobre todo en las relaciones personales, en la mala impresión que deja el judío como individuo.

 

Nazis obligan a un abogado judío a caminar descalzo. El cartel indica: Nunca más me quejaré a la policia

La cuestión judía

En el siglo XIX se escribieron cientos de tratados, folletos, artículos periodísticos y libros sobre la cuestión judía, y ​​muchos de ellos ofrecían soluciones como el reasentamiento, la deportación o la asimilación de la población judía. De manera similar, se escribieron cientos de trabajos oponiéndose a estas soluciones y ofreciendo en cambio soluciones como la reintegración y la educación.

A partir de 1860 aproximadamente, el término se utilizó con una tendencia cada vez más antisemita: los judíos eran descritos bajo este término como un obstáculo para la identidad y la cohesión de la nación alemana y como enemigos dentro del propio país de los alemanes.

German American Bund, Nueva York, 1939

Carta a Gemlich

16 de septiembre de 1919

Querido señor Gemlich,

Si la amenaza con la cual los judíos enfrentan a nuestro pueblo ha dado lugar a una hostilidad innegable por parte de un gran sector de nuestro pueblo, la causa de esta hostilidad debe buscarse en el claro reconocimiento de que los judíos están teniendo, deliberada o involuntariamente, un efecto pernicioso en nuestra nación, pero sobre todo en las relaciones personales, en la mala impresión que deja el judío como individuo. Como resultado, el antisemitismo asume con demasiada facilidad un carácter puramente emocional. Pero ésta no es la respuesta correcta. El antisemitismo como movimiento político no puede ni debe ser moldeado por factores emocionales, sino sólo por el reconocimiento de los hechos. Ahora los hechos son estos:

Para empezar, los judíos son sin duda una raza, no una comunidad religiosa. El propio judío nunca se describe a sí mismo como judío alemán, judío polaco o judío americano, sino siempre como alemán, polaco o americano judío. Los judíos nunca han adoptado más que el idioma de las naciones extranjeras en cuyo medio viven…

A German who is forced to make use of the French language in France, Italian in Italy, Chinese in China does not thereby become a Frenchman, Italian, or Chinaman, nor can we call a Jew who happens to live amongst us and who is therefore forced to use the German language, a German. Neither does the Mosaic faith, however great its importance for the preservation of that race, be the sole criterion for deciding who is a Jew and who is not. There is hardly a race in the world whose members all belong to a single religion.

Through inbreeding for thousands of years, often in very small circles, the Jew has been able to preserve his race and his racial characteristics much more successfully than most of the numerous people among whom he has lived. As a result there lives amongst us a non-German, alien race, unwilling and indeed unable to shed its racial characteristics, its particular feelings, thoughts and ambitions and nevertheless enjoying the same political rights as we ourselves do. And since even the Jew's feelings are limited to the purely material realm, his thoughts and ambitions are bound to be so even more strongly. Their dance around the golden calf becomes a ruthless struggle for all the possessions that we feel deep down are not the highest and not the only ones worth striving for on this earth.

The value of an individual is no longer determined by his character or by the significance of his achievements for the community, but solely by the size of his fortune, his wealth.

The greatness of a nation is no longer measured by the sun of its moral and spiritual resources, but only by the wealth of its material possessions.

All this results in that mental attitude and that quest for money and the power to protect it which allow the Jew to become so unscrupulous in his choice of means, so merciless in their use of his own ends. In autocratic states he cringes before the 'majesty' of the princes and misuses their favors to become a leech on their people.

In democracies he vies for the favor of the masses, cringes before 'the majesty of the people', but only recognizes the majesty of money.

He saps the prince's character with Byzantine flattery; national pride and the strength of the nation with ridicule and shameless seduction to vice. His method of battle is that public opinion which is never expressed in the press but which is nonetheless manages and falsified by it. His power is the power of the money, which multiplies in his hands effortlessly and endlessly through interest, and with which he imposes a yoke upon the nation that is the more pernicious in that its glitter disguises its ultimately tragic consequences. Everything that makes the people strive for higher goals, be it religion, socialism, or democracy, is to the Jew merely a means to an end, the way to satisfy his greed and thirst for power.

The results of his works is racial tuberculosis of the nation.

And this has the following consequences: purely emotional antisemitism finds its final expression in the form of pogroms. Rational antisemitism, by contrast, must lead to a systematic and legal struggle against, and eradication of, the privileges the Jews enjoy over the other foreigners living among us (Alien Laws). Its final objective, however, must be the total removal of all Jews from our midst. Both objectives can only be achieved by a government of national strength and not one of national impotence.

The German Republic owes its birth not the united national will of our people, but to the underhand exploitation of a series of circumstances that, taken together, express themselves in a deep, universal dissatisfaction. These circumstances, however, arose independently of the political structure and are at work even today. Indeed, more so than ever before. Hence, a large part of our people recognizes that changing the structure of the state cannot in itself improve our position, but that this can only be achieved by the rebirth of the nation's moral and spiritual forces.

And this rebirth cannot be prepared by the leadership of an irresponsibly majority influence by party dogmas or by the internationalist catch-phrases and slogans of an irresponsible press, but only by determined acts on the part of nationally minded leadership with an inner sense of responsibility.

This very fact serves to deprive the Republic of the inner support of the spiritual forces any nation needs very badly. Hence the present leaders of the nation are forced to seek support from those who alone have benefited and continue to benefit from changing the form of the German state, and who for that very reason become the driving forcé of the Revolution -- the Jews. Disregarding the Jewish threat, which is undoubtedly recognized even by today's leaders (as various statement from prominent personalities reveal), these men are forced to accept Jewish favors to their private advantage and to repay these favors. And the repayment does not merely involve satisfying every possible Jewish demand, but above all preventing the struggle of the betrayed people against its defrauders, by sabotaging the antisemitic movement… (Letter to Gemlich, traducción y adaptación propia.)

Artículos relacionados

Los rusos habían pedido la condena de muerte para todos ellos y era claro que los acusados creían que se les concedería el deseo… Los Juicios de Núremberg

Sus viajes debajo del muro le permitían tener una o dos comidas decentes a la semana en lo de… Escape del gueto de Varsovia

Baltimore fue una "ciudad de transitorios", una ciudad en rápido crecimiento que atraía a miles de ex esclavos del campo circundante… La Baltimore esclavista

Fuentes

Gemlich letter, Wikipedia